Statement by Revolutionary Socialists (Egypt), Revolutionary Left
Current (Syria), Union of Communists (Iraq), Al-Mounadil-a (Morocco),
Socialist Forum (Lebanon), League of the Workers' Left (Tunisia)
More than 150,000 people have been
killed, hundreds of thousands injured and disabled, millions displaced
inside and outside Syria. Cities, villages, and neighbourhoods have been
fully or partially destroyed using all sorts of weapons, including
warplanes, Scud missiles, bombs, and tanks—all paid for by the sweat and
blood of the Syrian people. All this was done under the pretext of
defending the homeland and achieving military balance with Israel—whose
occupation of Syrian land is, in fact, being protected by the Syrian
regime, which has failed to reply to its continuing aggression.
Yet, despite the enormous losses mentioned above, befalling all
Syrians, and the calamity inflicted on them, no international
organisation or major country—or even a lesser one—felt the need to
provide practical solidarity or support the Syrians in their struggle
for their most basic rights, human dignity, and social justice.
The only exceptions were some Gulf countries, more specifically Qatar
and Saudi Arabia. However, their aim was to control the nature of the
conflict and steer it in a sectarian direction, distorting the Syrian
revolution and aiming to abort it, as a reflection of their deepest fear
that the revolutionary flame will reach their shores. So they backed
obscurantist takfiri groups, coming, for the most part, from the four
corners of the world, to impose a grotesque vision for rule based on
Islamic sharia. These groups have engaged, time and time again, in
terrifying massacres of Syrian citizens who opposed their repressive
measures and aggression inside areas under their control or under
attack. Look at the recent example of villages in the countryside of
Latakia province.
A large block of hostile forces, from around the world, is conspiring
against the Syrian people's revolution, which erupted in tandem with
the uprisings spreading through a large section of the Arab region and
the Maghreb for the past three years. The people’s uprisings aimed to
put an end to a history of brutality, injustice, and exploitation and
attain the rights to freedom, dignity, and social justice.
However, this did not only provoke local brutal dictatorships, but
also most of the imperialist forces seeking to perpetuate the theft of
the wealth of our people, in addition to the various reactionary classes
and forces throughout those areas and in surrounding countries.
As for Syria, the alliance fighting against the people’s revolution
comprises a host of reactionary sectarian forces, spearheaded by Iran
and confessional militias in Iraq, and, regrettably, Hizbollah’s strike
force, which is drowning in the quagmire of defending a profoundly
corrupt and criminal dictatorial regime.
This unfortunate situation has also struck a major section of the
traditional Arab left with Stalinist roots, whether in Syria itself or
in Lebanon, Egypt, and the rest of the Arab region—and worldwide—which
is clearly biased towards the wretched alliance surrounding the Assad
regime. The justification is that some see it as a “resilient” or even a
“resistance” regime. They say this despite its long history—throughout
its existence in power—of protecting the Zionist occupation of the Golan
Heights, its constant bloody repression of various groups resisting
Israel, be it Palestinian or Lebanese (or Syrian), and remaining idle
and subservient, since the October 1973 war, concerning Israel’s
aggressions on Syrian territories. This bias will have serious
ramifications on ordinary Syrians' position regarding the left in
general.
The United Nations and the Security Council, in particular, was
unable to condemn the crimes of a regime, which the Syrian people
rejected continuously and peacefully for more than seven months, while
the bullets of the snipers and shabbiha [armed militia’s supporting the
ruling Ba’ath party] took demonstrators one by one and day after day and
while the most influential activists were being detained and subjected
to the worst kinds of torture and elimination in the prisons and
detention centres. All the while, the world remained completely silent
and in a state of total negativity.
The situation persisted with little difference after the people in
revolution decided to take up arms and the emergence of what became
known as the Free Syrian Army (FSA)—whose command and soldiers came, to a
large extent, from the regular army. This led to the horrific
escalation of crimes by the regime.
Russian imperialism, the most important ally of the Ba’athist regime
in Damascus, which provides it with all sorts of support, remains on the
lookout to block any attempt to condemn those crimes in the Security
Council. The United States, on the other hand, does not find a real
problem in the continuation of the status quo, with all the apparent
repercussions and destruction of the country. This is despite the
threats and intimidation utilised by the US president, every time
someone in the opposition raises the question of the use of chemical
weapons by the regime, up until the latest escalation, when it was
considered crossing a “red line”.
It is clear that Obama, who gives the impression that he will go
ahead with his threats, would have felt great embarrassment if he did
not do so, since it will not only impact negatively on the president,
but also on the image of the mighty and arrogant state that he leads in
the eyes of subservient Arab countries and the entire world.
The imminent strike against the Syrian armed forces is led by the US
in essence. However, it occurs with the understanding and cooperation of
allied imperialist countries, even without rationalising it through the
usual farce, known as international legitimacy (namely the decisions of
the UN, which was and remains representative of the interests of major
powers, whether in conflict or in alliance, depending on the
circumstances, differences, and balances among them). In other words,
the strike will not wait for the Security Council due to the anticipated
Russian-Chinese veto.
Unfortunately, many in the Syrian opposition are gambling on this
strike and the US position in general. They believe this would create an
opportunity for them to seize power, skipping over the movement and of
the masses and their independent decision. It should not be a surprise,
then, that the representatives of this opposition and the FSA had no
reservations on providing information to the US about proposed targets
for the strike.
In all cases, we agree on the following:
- The western imperialist alliance will strike several positions and
vital parts of the military and civilian infrastructure in Syria (with
several casualties, as usual). However, as it was keen to announce, the
strikes will not be meant to topple the regime. They are merely intended
to punish, in Obama’s words, the current Syrian leadership and save
face for the US administration, after all the threats concerning the use
of chemical weapons.
- The US president’s intentions to punish the Syrian leadership does
not stem, in any way or form, from Washington’s solidarity with the
suffering of children who fell in the Ghouta massacres, but from its
commitment to what Obama calls the vital interests of the US and its
homeland security, in addition to Israel's interests and security.
- The Syrian army and its regional allies, led by the Iranian regime,
will not have enough courage, most probably, to fulfil what seemed to
be threats by their senior officials that any western attack on Syria
will ignite the entire region. But this option remains on the table, as a
final option with catastrophic results.
- The imminent western imperialist assault does not intend to support
the Syrian revolution in any way. It will aim to push Damascus into the
bargaining table and allow Bashar al-Assad to retreat from the
foreground, but keeping the regime in place, while greatly improving
conditions to strengthen the position of US imperialism in the future
Syria against Russian imperialism.
- The more those participating in the continuing popular
mobilisation—who are more aware, principled, and dedicated to the future
of Syria and its people—realise these facts, their consequences,
results, and act accordingly, the more this will contribute to aiding
the Syrian people to successfully pick a true revolutionary leadership.
In the process of a committed struggle based on the current and future
interests of their people, this would produce a radical program
consistent with those interests, which could be promoted and put into
practice on the road to victory.
No to all forms of imperialist intervention, whether by the US or Russia.
No to all forms of reactionary sectarian interventions, whether by Iran or the Gulf countries.
No to the intervention of Hizbollah, which warrants the maximum of condemnation.
Down with all illusions about the imminent US military strike.
Break open the arms depots for the Syrian people to struggle for freedom, dignity, and social justice.
Victory to a free democratic Syria and down with the Assad dictatorship and all dictatorships forever.
Long live the Syrian people’s revolution.
--
Revolutionary Socialists (Egypt),
Revolutionary Left Current (Syria),
Union of Communists (Iraq),
Al-Mounadil-a (Morocco),
Socialist Forum (Lebanon),
League of the Workers' Left (Tunisia)
Published on Saturday 31 August 2013
